Footnotes 1

This page contains footnotes / endnotes for articles in the “War and Weapons” section.

Overview: War and Weapons

1) Tony Gerber, “How Jane Goodall Changed What We Know About Chimps,” National Geographic, October 20172) Brian Handwerk, “An Ancient, Brutal Massacre May Be Earliest Evidence of War,”, Jan. 20, 2016.

3) Max Roser, “Ethnographic and Archaeological Evidence on Violent Deaths”; “Our World, in Data”

4) Lawrence H. Keeley, War Before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage, p. 37.

5) Conway W. Henderson (9 February 2010). Understanding International Law. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 212–. ISBN 978-1-4051-9764-9. Retrieved 12 Feb. 2019

6) Douglas Fry, “Worlds Without War,” Greater Good Magazine, March 31, 2008; retrieved Feb. 12, 2019.

7) Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of our Nature, p. 194, cites Matthew White, The. Great Big Book of Horrible Things: The 100 Worst Things People Have Done To Each Other. (New York: Norton, 2011

8) Pinker, Enlightenment Now, p. 157. (Get the graph he shows there.

9) Pinker, loc 286 in Kindle version of The Better Angels of Our Nature. He attributes this theory to the sociologist Norbert Elias.

10) Steven Pinker, loc 280-301. In Kindle version of The Better Angels of Our Nature.

11) Lt. Col. Dave Grossman and Loren W Christensen, Evolution of Weaponry, loc 241 in Kinde edition.

12) Lt. Col. Dave Grossman, On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society (Little, Brown , 1996). Grossman cites F. A Lord on the Gettysburg evidence.

13) Dave Grossman and Kristine Paulsen, Assassination Generation: Video Games, Aggression, and the Psychology of Killing. (Kindle edition, 2016).

14) Grossman, ibid.

15) National Public Radio.

16) New Oxford English Dictionary

17) Constance I. Smith, “Hegel on War,” Journal of the History of Ideas. 25(2), Ap-June 1965), pp 282-85.

18) William James, “The Moral Equivalent of War,” a speech given at Stanford University in 1906.

19) Matthew A. Sears, Understanding Greek Warfare (New York: Routledge, 2019), p. 45. Sears calls the hoplite soldiers “the first citizens” because they fought as free men for their own homes, not as conscripts.

20) Sears, p. 17.

21) Tonio Andrade, The Gunpowder Age: China, Military Innovation, and the Rise of the West in World History, Princeton University Press, 2016. ISBN 978-0-691-13597-7

22) The Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons concluded Sarin was used as a weapon in the south of rebel-held Latamina on 24 March 2017, and chlorine at its hospital the next day. The OPCW was not authorized to attribute responsibility for such attacks, so a debate ensued in the press.

23) Howard B. Gill, Jr. “Colonial Germ Warfare,” The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation. retrieved Feb. 16, 2019.

24) “The Spanish Flu,”

25) Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars: Organized Violence in a Global Era, Third edition. (London: Polity, 2013).

26) Max Weber, “Politics as a Vocation.” See Max Weber, Weber’s Rationalism and Modern Society, translated and edited by Tony Waters and Dagmar Waters. New York: Palgrave Books, 2015, pp. 129-198.

27) Max Roser and Mohamed Nagdy, “Nuclear Weapons,” Our World in Data,

28) Egon Bahr, in a telephone interview with Metta Spencer, 1994. For the whole transcript see:

29) Bahr interview.

30) Arms Control Association, “Who Has What at a Glance?” Retrieved Feb. 12, 2019.

31) Theodore A. Postol, “Russia May Have Violated the INF Treaty. Here’s How the United States Appears to Have Done the same,” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Feb. 14, 2019, . See also a video discussion with Postol,

32) United Nations Office of Disarmament Affairs, “Treaty Overview: Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons,”

33) Lara Seligman, “No the Pentagon is Not Working on Killer Robots — Yet,” Foreign Policy, Feb. 13, 2019. Retrieved Feb 16, 2019.

34) Rhys Blakey, “It’s Time to Terminate Killer Robots, World Leaders are Told,” The Sunday Times (UK) Feb. 14, 2019.

35) Paul Meyer, “Give Cyber Peace a Chance,” Peace Magazine, Jan=Mar. 2017, p. 20.

36) Sam Perlo-Freeman, “The Opportunity Cost of World Military Spending,” Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 5 April 2016. Retrieved Feb 21, 2-19.

37) Ronan Farrow and Rich McHugh. “America’s Chernobyl: Inside the Most Toxic Place in the Nation.” CBS News video: retrieved Feb 21, 2019.

38) Samuel Oakford, “The United States Used Depleted Uranium in Syria,” Foreign Policy, Feb. 14, 2019. Retrieved Feb, 21, 2019.

39) Michael Havis, “Radioactive waste from 43 nuclear explosions is LEAKING into the Pacific because a reinforced concrete dome built by the US military on an island to store it is disappearing under the sea,” Daily, Feb 1, 2018. Retrieved Feb. 21, 2019.

Plank 1. All states owning or hosting nuclear weapons shall immediately de-alert them and commit to no-first-use.

1) Federation of American Scientists, Status of World Nuclear Forces

2) Wikipedia, “No first use.”

3) Ira Helfand, Nuclear Famine “2 Billion People at risk,” 2013.

4) Eric Schlosser, Command and Control. Penguin, 2013

5) Alan Phillips, Steven Starr: “Change Launch on Warning Policy,” Peace Magazine, Vol.22 No.3 (Jul/Sep 2006). It is suggested also that a consequence might be progress towards abolition, given an improved relationship between nuclear armed powers.
A deterrence-only policy option is to proceed with fewer stockpiled nuclear weapons and an end of the current modernization plans. It would rely mainly on submarine-based missiles, would not require a time-sensitive retaliatory nuclear attack, and could be supplemented by conventional and cyber forces. It would be decoupled from the idea of immediately destroying the enemy’s nuclear forces. It would be less expensive and allow funding of other endeavours. It would require much up-grading of Command, Control, and Communication networks. It still retains the deterrence doctrine, but not, according to its proponents, deterrence + war-fighting.

6) “Reframing the Nuclear De-Alerting Debate: Toward Maximizing Presidential Decision Time,” Nuclear Threat Initiative.

7) “De-Alerting Nuclear Forces,” Kristenssen, McKinzie, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists,

8) Defence360, Bad Idea: De-Alert U.S. ICBMs, 2017

9) “A Simple Method for Taking US Land-Based Nuclear Missiles Off High Alert,”, 2015

10) Paul Meyer, “Folding the Nuclear Umbrella: Nuclear Allies, the NPT and the Ban Treaty,” APLN-Toda, Policy Brief No.58, Feb 2018.

11) Darryl Kimball, Arms Control Association “The Case for a US No-First-Use Policy,”

12) Back from the Brink: The Call to Prevent Nuclear War,

13) Ira Helfand, “Sheer Luck has helped us avoid nuclear war so far-now we need to take some action”, 2018

14) Ernie Regehr, NATO and Nuclear Disarmament-1: NATO’s nuclear posture, The Simons Foundation

Plank 2. All states, including those in NATO, shall sign, ratify, and within 10 years comply with the TPNW.

1) For climatic and environmental effects, see, Ira Helfand, “The Humanitarian Consequences of Nuclear WarArms Control Today, November 2018, Vol. 43, No. 9, pp. 22-26. For total number of known nuclear weapons, see Fact Sheet, “Nuclear Weapons: Who Has What at a Glance”, Arms Control Association, June 2018.

2) “It is now two minutes to midnight: 2018 Doomsday Clock Statement,” Science and Security Board, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 25 January 2018.

3) United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1(1), 24 January 1946, “the elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons and all other major weapons adaptable to mass destruction”

4) Antarctic Treaty (1959), Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, Including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies (1967), Treaty on the Prohibition of the Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil thereof (1972).

5) The humanitarian disarmament conventions or treaties include the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (2017); the Convention on Cluster Munitions (2008), and the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction (Antipersonnel Mine Ban Treaty 1997). Each of these conventions has an associated civil society movement linked with middle powers and like-minded governments, respectively the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, the Cluster Munition Coalition and the International Campaign to Ban Landmines. The coordination of civil society organizations with governments has sometimes been identified as the “Ottawa Process”, or the “Oslo Process”. The Arms Trade Treaty does not ban any weapons. However, it also employs humanitarian and human rights principles to curb the trade in arms, and its key civil society campaigning group is Control Arms. Several other campaigns have not yet achieved any binding law or other document, including the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, the International Network on Explosive Weapons, the Toxic Remnants of War.



8) See “The Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty at Fifty: a midlife crisis”, NATO Review, 29 June 2018.

9) See “Nuclear Umbrella Arrangements and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons”, International Human Rights Clinic, Human Rights Program at Harvard Law School, June 2018.

10) See North Atlantic Treaty (1949), especially Art. 3. NATO members can both footnote statements and refuse to offer consent within the alliance for policies they disagree with. For discussion of this, see for instance:

Plank 3. All states shall reduce their militaries and not plan war for “national security.”

1) World Nuclear Weapon Stockpile, The Ploughshares Fund

2) Jenny Awford, “Biggest Bombs in the World”, The Sun (UK Edition) 20 Apr 2019.

3) Bruce G. Blair, “Why Our Nuclear Weapons Can be Hacked”, The New York Times, March 14, 2017. See also Andrew Futter and Des Browne, Hacking the Bomb: Cyber Threats and Nuclear Weapons, Kindle edition. (Georgetown University Press, 2018).

4) George P Schultz, William Perry, and Sam Nunn, “The Threat of Nuclear War is Still With Us”, Wall Street Journal, April 10, 2019; Mikhail Gorbachev, “The Madness of Nuclear Deterrence”, Wall Street Journal, April 29, 2019.

5) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, “World Military Spending” Update of April 2019.

6) Quartz, The United Nations General Assembly 2018.

7) Newsweek, “How Much Does the United Nations Spend on Peacekeeping? Here’s What We Know”, Wed. June 12, 2019.

8) Michele Giddens, “The SDGs are an Opportunity Not Just a Challenge”, Forbes, May 24, 2018.

9) Kevin Bullis, “How Much Will it Cost to Solve Climate Change?” MIT Bulletin, May 15, 2014.

10) Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars: Organised Violence in a Global Era. London: Polity, 2013.

11) Mary Kaldor, “New Wars,” The Broker, May 28, 2009.

12) Ibid.

13) Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan, Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Action. Columbia University Press, 2012.

Plank 4. All states shall develop a UN Emergency Peace Service to protect civilians and respond to crises.

1) World Federalist Movement – Canada, UNEPS Backgrounder, revised January 2017. Available:

2) Cited in Dominic Dudley, “Where And Why The World Is Getting More Dangerous”, Forbes, June 6, 2018.

3) Sebastian von Einsiedel, with Louise Bosetti, James Cockayne, Cale Salih and Wilfred Wan, “Civil War Trends and the Changing Nature of Armed Conflict”, United Nations University Centre for Policy Research, Occasional Paper, United Nations University, Tokyo, Japan, 10 March 2017. These authors also confirm that, “from 2011 to today, there has been a six-fold increase in battle deaths, with 2014 and 2015 being the deadliest years on the battlefield since the end of the Cold War.”

4) Richard Norton-Taylor, “Global armed conflicts becoming more deadly, major study finds”, The Guardian, May 20, 2015 Available:

5) Cited in Linda McQuaig, “Prospect of nuclear war highest in decades, yet media ignores”, Toronto Star, April 10, 2019. Available:

6) Global Peace Index 2018, Institute for Economics and Peace. As reported, “The economic impact of violence on the global economy in 2017 was $14.76 trillion in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms. This figure is equivalent to 12.4 per cent of the world’s economic activity (gross world product) or $1,988 for every person.”

7) As early as 1961, officials in the US State Department identified a UN Peace Force as the key to disarmament. In their words,”There is an inseparable relationship between the scaling down of national armaments on the one hand and the building up of international peacekeeping machinery and institutions on the other. Nations are unlikely to shed their means of self-protection in the absence of alternative ways to safeguard their legitimate interests. This can only be achieved through the progressive strengthening of international institutions under the United Nations and by creating a United Nations Peace Force to enforce the peace as the disarmament process proceeds.” See Freedom from War: The United States program for general and complete disarmament in a peaceful world, (United States. Dept. of State. Publication, 1961 Available:;view=1up;seq=3

8) The UN Department of Field Support recently conducted a five-year study into a Global Field Support Strategy that demonstrates how logistics, supply and sustainment in operations might be improved to facilitate rapid development of a new UN formation.

9) Among the various contributors to similar ideas were: Trygvie Lie; William R. Frye, the World Veterans Association; Lester B. Pearson; John Diefenbaker; Grenville Clark and Louis B. Sohn; D.W. Bowett; Lincoln Bloomfield; Boutros Boutros-Ghali; Sir Brian Urquhart; Robert Johansen; Alan Henrikson; the United Nations Association of the United States; Louis D. Huddleston; Captain Edward J. Dennehy, et al; David Cox; Stephen Kinloch-Pichet, and the Governments of the Netherlands and of Canada.

10) See, Robert C Johansen and Saul Mendlovitz, “The Role of the Enforcement of Law in the Establishment of a New International Order: A Proposal for a Transnational Police Force”, Alternatives: A Journal of World Policy, 6, 1980, pp. 307-338.

11) Government of Canada, Towards A Rapid Reaction Capability for the United Nations, (Ottawa, 1995). Available:

12) Maxime Faille and Peter Langille were the individuals on the core working group tasked to this section. Major James Hammond provided the critical insight into the organization, planning and structure of a new UN formation. Carleton Hughes assisted with guidance on logistics, support and transport.

13) See Peter Langille, Maxime Faille, Carlton Hughes, and Major James Hammond, “A Preliminary Blueprint of Long-Term Options for Enhancing a UN Rapid Reaction Capability” in David Cox and Albert Legault, (eds.) UN Rapid Reaction Capabilities, (Cornwallis: Pearson Peacekeeping Press, 1995 Available:

14) See Langille, “In Pursuit of Common Security: Initiatives to Enhance Training, Role Specialization and Rapid Deployment for United Nations Peace Operations”, PhD dissertation, University of Bradford, Department of Peace Studies, 1999

15) See Brian Urquhart, “For a UN Volunteer Military Force”, New York Review of Books, 40, June 10, 1993.

16) Langille, Bridging the Commitment: Capacity Gap: A Review of Existing Arrangements and Options for Enhancing UN Rapid Deployment (Wayne, N.J.: Center for UN Reform Education, August 2002) Available:…-1.pdf

17) The WFM-C working group includes Robin Collins, Fergus Watt, Cameron Laing, Peter Langille and the frequent support of Larry Kazdan.

18) For an overview of the founding conference of the UNEPS initiative see, Justine Wang, “A Symposium on Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity: The Challenge of Prevention and Enforcement”, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, Santa Barbara, December 5-6, 2003.

19) For a report of this event see, Robert C. Johansen, “Expert Discussion Of The United Nations Emergency Peace Service: The Cuenca Report”, in Johansen (ed.), A United Nations Emergency Peace Service: To Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, (with the support of Global Action to Prevent War, the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and the World Federalist Movement), 2006. Available:

20) See, Johansen (ed.), A United Nations Emergency Peace Service.

21) U.S. Congress, H.Res.213: 110th Congress, House Committee on Foreign Affairs, March, 2007. Available:

22) The Brisbane conference was organized by Global Action to Prevent War and co-hosted by Steve Kilelea and the Simons Foundation.

23) See, Howard Salter, “Global Cooperation: The Candidates Speak”, Foreign Policy in Focus, March 26, 2008.

24) American support diminished further when a number of conference participants stressed that a UNEPS should come from anywhere except America.

25) See Robert Zuber and David Curran, “Peacekeeping and Rapid Reaction: Towards the establishment of cosmopolitan capacities for rapid deployment”, Workshop Report, Division of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, July 8, 2013. Available: For a thoughtful response to the Bradford Report see, Robin Collins, “Shouldn’t UNEPS Advocacy be Front and Centre?”, Global Policy Responses, November 13, 2013.

26) See, Langille, “Preventing Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity: One innovation and new global initiative”, Amanda Gryzb, (ed.) Darfur and the World, (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 2009). Available: Also see, Annie Herro, Wendy Lambourne and David Penklis, “Peacekeeping and peace enforcement in Africa: The potential contribution of a UN Emergency Peace Service”, African Security Review, Volume 18, Issue 1, (Taylor & Francis) 2009. Available:

27) See Annie Herro, UN Emergency Peace Service and the Responsibility to Protect, (Oxford: Routledge Books, 2014). Also see Saul Mendlovitz, Edward Westfall and Stephen Bishop, Draft Statute for the Formation and Operation of the United Nations Emergency Peace Service for the Prevention of Genocide and Crimes against Humanity, (Newark, Rutgers University, 2013) Available: For further elaboration of the concerns raised by eac,h see Langille, Developing a United Nations Emergency Peace Service: Meeting Our Responsibilities to Prevent and Protect, (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015

28) Langille, “Improving United Nations Capacity for Rapid Deployment”, International Peace Institute, Providing for Peacekeeping Project #8, International Peace Institute, New York, October 2014. Available:

29) See Langille, “Peacekeeping challenges require standing, not just standby, capacities: Time for a United Nations Emergency Peace Service”, A submission of the World Federalist Movement-Canada to the UN High-level Independent Panel reviewing peace operations, March 26, 2015. Available: A similar report was also submitted to The Commission on Global Security, Justice & Governance in May 2015.

30) Langille, “Developing a United Nations Emergency Peace Service”

31) Langille, “UK Labour supports a United Nations Emergency Peace Service”, Open Democracy, August 15, 2018.

32) British Labour Party Manifesto, For the Many, Not the Few: (London, June 2017), p. 120

33) See “How We Can Keep The Peace”, (editorial, The Star’s View) Toronto Star, August 10, 2016.

34) The Group of 78 and Rideau Institute, “A Shift to Sustainable Peace and Common Security”, DEFENCE and FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES: Recommendations by Leading Canadian Civil Society Organizations, Ottawa, (Updated 1 April 2018).

35) See Science for Peace, “How to Save the World in a Hurry”, University College, Toronto, May 30 -31, 2018.

36) This wiki is part of the ongoing work that has followed the conference, which has since evolved into “Project Save the World.”

37) Richard Reeve, “UN Peacekeeping and the 2017 Election”, Oxford Research Group, May 17, 2017. Available:

38) See Richard Gowan, “In the U.K. Elections, a Post-Brexit Internationalist Vision Comes Into Focus”, World Politics Review, June 5, 2017. In Gowan’s words, “Labour offers to back a ‘U.N. Emergency Peace Service,’ which sounds very much like a standing international army. This is the sort of concept that you only promise to back if you write a manifesto believing you have no chance of victory.”

39) Annie Herro, “The Quest for a United Nations Standing Army”, Oxford Research Group, March 22, 2018. As Dr. Herro writes, “I have studied the role that a transnational advocacy network has played in contributing to the demise of the most recent proposal for a UN standing force – the UN Emergency Peace Service proposal – yet similar findings could be applied to previous proposals. “

40) Paul Rogers, “Sustainable Security: Global Ideas for a Greater Britain”, Oxford Research Group, June 29, 2018.

41) Stephen P. Kinloch, “Utopian or Pragmatic? A UN Permanent Military Volunteer Force”, International Peacekeeping, vol. 3, no. 4, Winter 1996, p. 185. Available:

42) For example see “In Rebuke to Trumpian Division and Authoritarianism, Bernie Sanders Champions ‘Unity’ and ‘Common Humanity’” in Visionary Speech: Common Dreams October 10, 2018. Dan Plesch, “Progressives Need a New Internationalist Policy”, Foreign Policy in Focus, October 22, 2018. “It Is Time for Progressives of the World to Unite: Sanders-Varoufakis Issue Open Call for New Global Movement”, Common Dreams, November 30, 2018. “The Sanders Institute’s Gathering Was About Saving the World, But It Was Not About Bernie Sanders”, Common Dreams, December 10, 2018.

43) See Langille, “Sustainable Common Security”, Mondial, World Federalist Movement – Canada, December 2016. Available:
Also see Langille, “Pulling Together for Sustainable Common Security”, The Rideau Institute, June 11, 2018.

44) Langille, “Preparing for a UN Emergency Peace Service”, FES Perspective Paper, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, New York, August 2012.

45) ibid.

46) William R. Frye, A United Nations Peace Force, (New York: Oceana Publications, 1957).

Plank 6. UN Convention on CCW and all states shall prohibit developing or deploying lethal autonomous weapons.

1) In the robot context, “actuate” refers to the acts or operations of a robot caused by its programming.The terminology is rooted in Ryan Calo’s sense-think-act paradigm, introduced by robots:

“The utility here of the so-called sense-think-act paradigm lies in distinguishing robots from other technologies. […] The idea of a robot or robotic system is that the technology combines all three. […] My working assumption is that a system acts upon its environment to the extent it changes that environment directly.A technology does not act, and hence is not a robot by merely providing information in an intelligible format. It must be in some way. A robot in the strongest, fullest sense of the term exists in the world as a corporeal object with the capacity to exert itself physically.[…] [R]obots are best thought of as artificial objects or systems that sense, process, and act upon the world to at least some degree.”

Ryan Calo, “Robotics and the Lessons of Cyberlaw”, 102 Cali L Rev 2015, p.529-32.


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